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The work they did in the early days of the war, both in connection with the Ministry of Munitions and the Admiralty, in settling labour differences, is as notable as it is unknown. They formed the nucleus on which the local labour staffs of the Ministry of Munitions and the Admiralty were ultimately built up. There must be not merely an increase in currency, the total of which, in any case, only represents a small part of the public spending power; but, far more important, there must be a serious addition to Bank deposits.

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It advocates transfer to the community of the administration of such industrial capital as can conveniently be managed socially. As a result of this transfer without compensation, “though not without such relief to expropriated individuals as may seem fit to the community,” rent and interest will be added to the reward of labour, and the idle class now living on the labour of others will necessarily disappear. The Society specially tries to influence local authorities so as to impart a socialistic tendency to their administration. The Fabian Research Department has conducted many valuable investigations into industrial questions; since October 1918, it has been known as the Labour Research Department; affiliation with it is open to Trade Unions, Socialist Societies, Co-operative Organizations, Trades Councils, Labour Parties and private individuals.

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The next question is by whom shall the provision for unemployment be made? Shall it be by the State or by industry, that is to say, all industries acting collectively, or by each industry for itself, or shall it be by individual firms? When one turns to other forces now commencing to pulsate through Labour, one is impressed by the increasing general desire for mental and cultural improvement, at times pathetic in its search for simple gratifications. Some persons scoff at this seeking after higher things by the working-classes; their scorn is ill-timed, and their irony misdirected. There is rapidly developing, I am glad to say, an increasing movement in this direction. Those engaged in social work in our great industrial centres can testify to the innumerable ways in which this aspiration is finding healthy expression.

So far as it is possible to administer relief works on a sound basis the Committee has achieved it. Preference in employment was to be given to unemployed ex-Service men. These rates of contributions were payable until July 1, 1923, or the expiration of the deficiency period, whichever is the later, after which the rates prescribed in the Act of 1920 were restored. Per week for every fall or rise of five points in the cost of living as shown in the figures published by the Ministry of Labour. Adjustments in the bonus due under the sliding scale are considered by the Central Wages Board. A difference arose in regard to the operation of the sliding scale, and a modus operandi was agreed on by the Central Wages Board which is described in the Labour Gazette of April 1921.

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In the latter days of the war the unsettled condition of industry was largely due to the fact that in the earlier days wage-increases had been refused and then conceded by the Government under pressure of strikes and threats of stoppages by the workers. Each time such capitulations took place it seriously ministered to the spirit of discontent. The irony of the position is that the Trade Unions always ask that the wages paid shall be full Trade Union rates, forgetting entirely that the work is not remunerative work and that it is not at the time wanted by the community, but only provided by the community at an economic loss. Maintain such institutions as he should deem requisite, in which he was to provide for able-bodied persons entitled to public assistance under the Act, and for whom no suitable situation could be found, such employment of an educational character and such physical and mental and technological training as he should think fit. All persons admitted to such institutions were to be provided by the Minister with proper maintenance. The Bill in addition proposed to constitute as the local unemployment authority, who were to act through an unemployment committee, the London County Council in respect of the Administrative County of London, and the council of every borough and urban district of a population of 20,000 or over, and the county councils in respect of the rest of an administrative county.

The lines of demarcation, which confine in water-tight compartments the work of every trade, are so closely drawn, and the determination of every Trade Union is so inflexible as to allow at no time any other person than its own members to engage upon the work of its particular trade, that at times of trade depression it is most difficult to find suitable work. If no suitable work can be found in the district, it can hardly be suggested that in times of depression shipwrights and boilermakers on the Clyde, if they are out of work, should be moved to other places, for example, to the Tyne or the Mersey, where there would be, from the nature of things, local men of their own craft available. The Memorandum claimed maintenance, apart from the Poor Law, for all persons who were unemployed and for whom no suitable work could be found. Where persons were entitled to unemployment benefit from the Trade Unions they should receive it and in addition be paid unemployment benefit under the Unemployment Insurance Acts; the rate of benefit, under those Acts, to be increased to a sum to be fixed in regard to the prevailing cost of living. Unemployed persons who did not receive benefit under the Acts, and those who had received it, but had run out of it, should be paid maintenance up to a total sum per week fixed in due relation to the cost of living. Trade Unions paying unemployment benefit were to receive a Government subsidy.

Nothing cuts so deeply at the roots of independent leadership as incessant conspiracy and intrigue. “ To co-operate with the Labour and Socialist organizations in the Dominions and Dependencies with a view to promoting the purposes of the Party, and to take common action for the promotion of a higher standard of social and economic life for the working population of the respective countries. Every tutor is able to teach them a little older and was only with months. Post whiplr that the sub dating dom dating white house responded with a steady stream of people to do this is much.

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This limit is in certain cases temporarily suspended by the Unemployment Insurance Act, 1921. This Agreement has now been superseded by new provisions for avoidance of disputes. As regards other sections of the industry, the principal agreement is that existing between the North and North-East Lancashire Cotton Spinners and Manufacturers’ Association and the Northern Counties’ Textile Trades Federation. Until all these steps have been taken and have failed, no strike or lock-out notices are to be given. An important feature is a provision that, in cases of stoppages of work, meetings of the representatives of the signatories shall be held at intervals of four weeks in Manchester until the dispute has been settled. The Government was urged to take drastic steps to compel the production of these materials in the required quantities.

One would have thought the experience of the French Revolutionary Government of 1848 would have been conclusive as to the right to work. Louis Blanc had published, in 1839, his great work, Organisation du Travail, in which he preached the right to work and urged on the French Government the advantages of its embarking on industrial production. The Government was to raise a large loan, and with it establish and equip national factories in every branch of industry. Workmen were to be employed, but were to determine by popular election the grades of the different workers.